Muslim Youth Under Sharia Regime in Aceh: From Accommodation to Resistance

: In the context of shari’a implementation in Aceh

people aged 20-25. This research finds out that there has been a normalization of sharia in the Acehnese society with young people tending to accept sharia in Islamic tenets, propagation, attires, economic system, and penal system. Those who were born after or a while before sharia was implemented for the first time tend to get used to the sharia and consider it a part of their normal life. Their responses vary, from accommodation, adaptation, compromise to resistance. The resistance leads to the agency and creating a counterspace as their comfort zone to express creativity. In turn, this religiosity model contributes to sharia's moderatization in Aceh. Therefore, there is a need for the Aceh local government to maintain and develop spaces for young people to express creativity while maintaining sharia as a part of their lives.

Introduction
Amid support for the sharia in Aceh, young people ideally have a more critical response. Theoretically, their religious orientation is highly influenced by social and cultural environment around them. Some of their orientations are related to family, economy, education, politics, laws, friendship, entertainment, gender, sexuality, consumerism, and sports. 1 Like other youths, Aceh young people live in a modern environment with its free, open, and glamorous nature. The western lifestyle, as well as the Korean one, has become influential among them However, such a lifestyle is also influenced by other factors, such as local values, education, multiculturalism, and global politics. Through social media, young people access information, modern and religious ideological persuasion as well as promotion. These all significantly contribute to the development of youths' attitudes. 2 The youths' lifestyles, such as hanging out in coffee shops, skateboarding, dancing, surfing, graffiti painting and vaping, 3 become more interesting amidst the sharia regime, which is often considered as a part of conservatism. At the same time, those lifestyles tend to be incompatible with the sharia. 4 Consequently, young people face limitations in the name of sharia. If two young people plan to meet, they will choose a public place, such as a coffee shop, and have nonalcoholic beverages to avoid problems with the sharia police. 5 This is among the contradictions between the modern lifestyles and sharia faced by young people in Aceh.
Since Aceh was determined to be the only province to implement sharia in a broader sense, Aceh has attracted scholars from various disciplines to be their object of study. These scholars include those from legal, political, and social sciences. Academic studies have continuously been conducted even after the two decades since the sharia was firstly formalized. Among the focus of those studies are related to sharia and politics; 6 sharia in the context of legal pluralism; 7 economy; 8 the impacts of sharia on vulnerable and minority groups, such as non-Muslims and women; 9 the implementation of Islamic al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 17 (2), 2022: 412-433 criminal law; 10 as well as the relationship between sharia and social, cultural, and economic aspects. 11 However, one aspect has been understudied, which is the response of the young generation to sharia. They are likely to have different perspectives about sharia than their older generation. This group has a significant influence on society but is often neglected. This section briefly shows the maps of previous studies and the gaps in them to justify the significance of this currently particular study.
Another issue that often comes up pertaining to sharia implementation is how sharia treats women 12 and minority groups, which in this case are non-Muslims. More or less similar finding is also discussed by Ansor and Amri in their study of non-Muslim women in Aceh. Their study reveals that non-Muslim women demonstrate dynamic agency during their lives under sharia. 13 Nevertheless, the limitation posed by sharia does not always limit women's movement. Afrianty, for example, found that amid such limitations, women in Aceh have been able to play their roles in the democratization and Islamization of society through the establishment of women-based civil society organizations. Therefore, sharia has not prevented the Aceh women from playing their role in public spaces. 14 In this study, negotiation and agency are likely to be found during the sharia implementation. The significant role of youth in Indonesia is in their status as key actors in economic and social changes. A study by Naafs and White on Indonesian youths identifies three roles of this group: the future generation, the transitional generation, and culture creators and consumers. 15 Regarding culture, the youths are likely to be influenced by globalization. Global cultures and consumerism are parts of globalization. Among the young Indonesian generation, at least two aspects influence their lifestyles and identities: consumerism and Islamism. 16 These two generate a unique feature of lifestyles and cultural hybridity among young people. 17 Furthermore, the study of religiosity among youth in the contemporary world is not new. Previous studies on the trend of piety among the youths are related to the born-again Muslim phenomenon, 18 hijrah, 19 and alike. Such phenomena are mostly related to young people's perspectives on sharia. Ihsan Yilmaz in Australia conducts a specific study on young people's perspective of sharia. He al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 17 (2), 2022: 412-433 determines young people as a strategic research object, considering the meeting of religion and plurality during their identity formation in western society. 20 Yilmaz classifies two attitudes of young people towards sharia: legal pluralist and Muslim secularist. The legal pluralists see sharia as a legal system that can possibly be implemented in Australia. Meanwhile, Muslim secularists believe that sharia cannot be implemented formally in their country but can be implemented in Muslim-majority countries. 21 Previous studies on young people in relation with the sharia is still very limited and mostly focused on other countries. Unlike those studies, this research presents discussions about young people in Aceh who were born and grew up under the shadow of sharia and have distinct perspectives. It is an influential aspect of young people's lives but is often considered to limit their expression and activities in public spaces. This paper analyses the accommodation and resistance of Aceh young people born during the formal sharia implementation in Aceh as well as its impact on sharia enforcement. On the one hand, their lives have been limited by the sharia regime. On the other hand, they are faced with free and open modern lifestyles. This paper therefore shows how young people negotiate sharia in their daily lives.

Method
This is a field research employing a socio-legal approach to see how the law is implemented and responded to by society. 22 This approach examines the accommodation of young Muslim people towards the formal implementation of sharia and how their response colors the shariah enforcement in Aceh. This fieldwork was conducted in Banda Aceh, a metropolitan area in Aceh with young people adhering pop culture amid the sharia. The primary data is obtained from in-depth interviews and FGD with 50 young Muslim people pursuing music, arts, theatre, sport, environmentalists, and adventurers in Banda Aceh, Sharia Office officials, and academics. These young Muslims aged between 20-25 (when the sharia had just been implemented for the first time in Aceh in 1999). The secondary data is taken from legal documents, The data is examined using sociological analysis 23 to show the experience of the young people in accommodating and negotiating the sharia. Some respondents in this study use pseudonyms to protect their privacy based on their requests. The data is taken during the field work in July 2022.

Discussion and Result Sharia Normalization in Aceh: from Accommodation to Resistance among the Youth
In discussing the perception and experience of sharia, previous studies tend to focus on the initiators and policymakers, which can be considered "senior citizens'' in Aceh. It can be said that these people had consciousness when Aceh started to implement sharia formally. However, the current findings showed their experience and perception are relatively different from young people who were born after or while sharia was formalized. This means that these young people have lived during the two decades of the sharia implementation. Their different experiences, in turn, generate distinct perspectives and attitudes towards sharia.
Before further discussion, it is important to explain the context of young people in Aceh. Apart from their existence side by side with sharia, it is important to note that many were unknowledgeable of al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 17 (2), 2022: 412-433 some common practices before the sharia and qanuns promulgation. One of them is related to the obligation of jilbab for women. The respondents mentioned that they did not know that Aceh women used to dress without jilbab, except after seeing the pictures of the parents in the past. 24 One of the respondents said: "women before them (parents), maybe their grandmothers, their mothers or those older than them, did not wear jilbab (headscarf). " 25 In such a situation, these young Muslims face the fact that they have been restricted by sharia to some extent. Sharia regulations, such as clothing, intersexual relationship, and consumption, have hampered their free, creative, and innovative characters.
Since the promulgation of Qanun No. 11 of 2002, Acehnese Muslim women should dress according to Islamic law. This qanun even obliges the leaders of various institutions, such as government, education, business, and society, to promote Islamic fashion. This is manifested by jilbab for women and covering outfits for men. Regarding social relationships, the qanun gives a clear restriction by forbidding activities leading to khalwat (a woman being in close proximity with a man unrelated to her by blood or marriage), ikhtilath (physical intimacy between an unmarried man and woman), musahaqah (lesbianism), liwath (homosexuality), and zina (adultery). Qanun No. 6 of 2014 on Jinayat (Criminal) Law regulates khalwat (Article 23), ikhtilath (Article 25), and zina (Article 33). The qanun also forbids what is considered sexual deviation, such as liwath (Article 63) and musahaqah (Article 64). 26 Despite the number of restrictions on young people's social interaction made by sharia, this research finds that they accept it. This acceptance cannot be separated from the normalization process. Theoretically, normalization is the effort to make a practice as a part of everyday life elements, namely through embedding and instilling the practice into a social context or integration. 27 After more than two decades of sharia implementation, what has happened is the normalization of sharia in the society, which has made sharia a living value and part of Aceh people's identity. Moreover, the acceptance of sharia has been influenced by its existence which has become a value in Aceh cultures and customs. This implies that sharia has been an effective tool of social engineering. 28 To some extent, sharia formalization has changed the lives of Aceh people. They have adjusted to control their relationship and interaction with the opposite sex in public. Khalwat and ikhtilat are considered immoral acts; Alcoholic beverages have no longer been a part of their lives. The women have strengthened their Muslim identity with a jilbab. It is rare to find a Muslim woman without a jilbab in public.
Fatimah, for example, does not feel that she is oppressed by sharia. This is mostly because she was born and grew up in the middle of a Muslim society upholding the sharia. Her family and society see sharia as part of their lives. 29 Concerning the jilbab, young people in Aceh feel that wearing the jilbab (scarf) is a part of their religious consciousness. The respondents of this research maintained that they feel odd to see a woman without a jilbab in public. Silvi, a young athlete, said, "it feels odd not to wear a jilbab in public. It feels like everybody is looking at me. Going out of my boarding house, even just in its yard, without a jilbab, reminded me of the elders around wearing one." 30 Even, Aceh people have a critical consciousness to reject the anti-jilbab movement. Hamdani stated, "If someone asks Aceh women to take off their jilbab, it means war! " The 27 Carl May and Tracy Finch, "Implementing, Embedding, and Integrating Practices: An Outline of Normalization Process Theory," Sociology 43, no. 3 (2009): 535-54; Carl R. May et al., "Development of a Theory of Implementation and Integration: Normalization Process Theory," Implementation Science 4, no. 1 (May 21, 2009): 29, https://doi.org/10.1186/1748-5908-4-29. 28 Feener, "Social Engineering through Sharī'a," 309. 29 Interview with Fatimah, a theater artist, 3 July 2022 30 Interview with Silvi, an athlete, 7 July 2022.

al-Ihkam:
Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 17 (2), 2022: 412-433 women will fight for the jilbab because they accept their fates and religious command." 31 In the middle of a religious society, these young people are used to Islamic cultures. They are accustomed to the prohibition regulated by sharia until they feel that they need to be careful in obeying the rule. They are conscious that sharia in Aceh is controlling them. Mila, for instance, said, "they always remember that they can be raided if caught. When they are caught, they are caught. Whey they are not, they are not. They need to think that they live in Aceh. Therefore they need to be very careful". 32 These young people know they should not do any prohibited acts in their social relationships and interactions.
Another restriction is in art and theatrical performances. As long as the activities consider and maintain Islamic attires, they are not prohibited to express themselves. 33 The provincial government also allows music concerts and women performing in the concert as long as they follow the rules, namely the rules of interactions and fashion. 34 During the concert, males and females are separated to prevent khalwat. This means that sharia in Aceh limits social interactions that potentially lead to immoral acts.
Majid, an Aceh musician, stated that he does not feel any obstacle in implementing the sharia, as he feels it is a part of his selfconsciousness. He further stated: "I do not feel any obstacle with sharia in Aceh. For example, I never wear shorts when I go out. I do not feel this is a formalized regulation, as I have used to wear long pants since my childhood." 35 Fatimah explained a similar experience. She said: "In Aceh, we are educated about values and norms. Among other things is that we are not allowed to wear tight outfits and that we should wear jilbab. We have been taught about that since our childhood that females should wear jilbab. " 36 These testimonies imply that both Majid  of social interactions in public spaces, as they feel that those are part of the common practice.
As young people are known as "culture makers and consumers," 37 they need spaces for expression and activities. In facing sharia restrictions formalized by the provincial government of Aceh, at least there are two ways they can take: accommodation or resistance. In this case, accommodation is how individuals conform to and uphold an ideology, which is integrated and socialized into a culture. 38 Accommodation, in turn, will generate adaptation and compromise. For example, young people from Theater Rongsokan whose performers are from UIN Ar Raniry students, mostly take the tendency to accommodation by adjusting their performance to the provisions of the sharia.
Even though young people of Aceh accept sharia, they still accommodate it with a distinctive way of adaptation and compromise. This is because some aspects of youth lifestyle cannot be freely expressed in various activities, especially in the aspects of arts and cultures when they strictly consider sharia. For example, in the theatrical performance, Aceh young people adapt and compromise with sharia by making strategies to alter sensitive acts, such as sexual scenes. In such cases, they will use an innuendo by swaying bed curtains. When a woman should show hair for the act, she will wear a wig. If the scenario involve the characters of LGBT, they tend to skip or even omit such scenes.
Fatimah stated: "In our "Putro Neng" performance, we have a sex scene, but we sought a way to do it by swaying the bridal bed curtains. " 39 Fatimah added: "If we make a performance where a woman should show hair, then she can wear a wig. Why not? Some acts are considered inappropriate in Aceh, and we will leave them. We often seek ways to make them appropriate and feasibly performed. We 37 Naafs and White, "Intermediate Generations." 38 Leoandra Onnie Rogers and Niobe Way, "Child Development in an Ideological Context: Through the Lens of Resistance and Accommodation," Child Development Perspectives 15, no. 4 (2021): 242-48. 39 Interview with Fatimah, a theater artist, 3 July 2022.
al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 17 (2), 2022: 412-433 consider options A and B. Some parts need careful consideration. " 40 She continued that other theatrical performances need body moves and only males can take off their shirts. On the other hand, female actors should always wear clothes covering their aurat (body parts that should be covered according to sharia). If the performance involves a female actor as a prostitute, for instance, she will dress up to look like a prostitute but still cover her aurat. She can wear an inner shirt, and so on. However, they cannot do that in all places. Stull adaptation and compromise are needed to avoid the violation of sharia rules. 41 Apart from accommodation, another chosen way by young people is resistance. Theoretically, resistance is a way chosen by individuals, consciously or unconsciously, to reject and oppose an ideology they consider "inhumane" and question social hierarchy. 42 James Scott introduces the theory of "everyday resistance" to accommodate a resistance without dramatic actions, rebellions, demonstrations, and other extreme behaviors. "Everyday resistance" tends to be quiet, disguised, and unseen. Individuals use this strategy to survive amid repressions, and they see that extreme reactions will be risky. 43 Tofa, another informant, stated that in Aceh's case, everyday resistance could be found among the artist community. Some of them feel that there are things that they can no longer do after the sharia is formalized. They compromise to avoid conflicts. This is also because the Aceh people have been exhausted by the prolonged conflict during the Military Operation period.
"In the past, it is difficult (to do things) because of the conflict. We did not feel safe because of the conflict. We feel safe and comfortable now. I think that's the difference. What we have now (sharia) is what we have to pay to make us safe. It is okay, 40 Interview with Fatimah, a theater artist, 3 July 2022. 41 Interview with Fatimah, a theater artist, 3 July 2022. 42 Rogers and Way, "Child Development in an Ideological Context." 43 Scott, "Everyday Forms of Resistance." as long as we can go out, and visit a coffee shop at any time, any hour. In the past, we were limited by curfew. We saw weapons and felt not safe. So, I would say we feel more comfortable now rather than in the past. ". 44 In the resistance, there is a so-called counterspace. Counterspace is where young people who feel marginalized can be themselves while expressing their truly selves and existence. They do not need others' validation to prove that others are wrong. 45 This means that counterspace is a safe space for young people to express their creativity. Besides that, everyday resistance can also generate agency. In the context of Aceh young people's response to sharia, the agency is manifested in the form of new creativities as a strategy to express their creativities despite the restriction.
One of the counterspaces for the Aceh young people is social media. As Tofa admitted, social media is a safe place for young people to express their creativity without being restricted by prevailing rules in real life. Besides, they can post any content without their real identities being recognized, including that they are from Aceh. 46 Using social media becomes one of the strategies enabling young people to go beyond the sharia restrictions. They realized that social media is a space where they can ''run away'' from the authorities' surveillance, including Wilayatul Hisbah or the sharia police.

The Role of Muslim Youth in Acehnisation of Sharia: The Implication on the Sharia Law
The face of Islam shown by the Aceh young Muslim generation reflects a synthesis between sharia and modernity. To some extent, Sharia limits young people's movement and expressions. However, those young people can still express their lifestyles and creativities despite the restriction. This is, then, called "Islamic piety". 47 Islamic piety refers to the paradox of Muslims' piety with religious restriction on the one hand. On the other hand, this piety 44 Interview with Tofa, a graphic designer, 7 July 2022. 45  enables or gives them a space to innovate and be creative. As a result, Muslims still have freedom, agency, autonomy, and subjectivity as humans. This concept challenges a developed ''conventional wisdom''. It stated that if a state applies sharia, the restrictions posed by sharia tend to ignore the democratization process, 48 restrain human rights protection, 49 oppress freedom and expressions, 50 subordinate women, 51 discriminate against non-Muslims, 52 and are incompatible with modernization. This particular current study is empirical evidence challenging that conventional wisdom by proving that sharia, to some extent, does not limit the expression of young people and is not against the values of modernity, such as democracy, human rights, freedom of expression, women's and non-Muslims rights, etc.
Besides, various expressions of Aceh young people in arts, theatrical performances, dance, graphic designs, sports, etc., can be regarded as alternative lifestyles that are relatively different from the western styles. This is in line with the study of van Nieuwkerk finding that the pious lifestyles of 'hijra' celebrities in Egypt can be more acceptable alternatives compared to the ones introduced by western and secular society. 53  In the context of Aceh, young people's lifestyle, at a certain level, experience adaptation by maintaining sharia rules. They have a stronger influence from modernity due to religious restrictions. In turn, this has resulted in new expressions that are relatively different from the ones defined by the authorities, such as Sharia Office, and the ones presented by young people from other provinces.
The young people's accommodation, resistance, and agency in the context of sharia reflect how sharia is contextualized and localized in Serambi Mekkah (Mecca Verandah, designation for Aceh due to a strong influence of Islam). In general, the contextualization of Islam in Indonesia has become a concern of Indonesian Muslim thinkers.
The contextualization efforts were promoted by Muslim thinkers, such as Abdurrahman Wahid and Nurcholis Madjid. Abdurrahman Wahid, representing the Indonesian Muslim traditionalists, called for the ''nativization of Islam" by accommodating local wisdom. 54 On the other hand, Nurcholish Madjid, representing Muslim modernists, called for ''Indonesian and modern Islam''. 55 Both called out the contextualization of Islamic values to be adjusted with the time (historical contextualization) and space (cultural contextualization). This makes Islam compatible with Indonesian values, multiculturality, and modernity, leading to rationalization, secularization, and even liberalization.
Young people in Aceh have translated the spirit of the contextualization of Islam in Indonesia during the sharia implementation. They maintain their submission substantively to the sharia rules. At the same time, they reject the technical and detailed restrictions of sharia. In this situation, they improvised to maintain their expression, creativity, and innovation by considering sharia limitations. Their expression of Islam and modern, glamorous, and relatively free lifestyle reflect Indonesian Islam's localization and contextualization model in Aceh. They are able to offer a different variant of sharia by challenging the sharia implementation that tends to limit, intimidate, and degrade humanity, as shown by some al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial, 17 (2), 2022: 412-433 Muslim countries, such as Afghanistan, Iran, and Sudan. It can be said that the expression of Islam among Aceh young people, to some extent, contributes to the moderation of sharia implementation in Aceh, which, in turn, strengthens the image of Indonesian Islam as 'Islam with a smiling face'. 56

Conclusion
For Acehnese Muslim youth, sharia is a part of their normal life. They accept and accommodate the limitations of Islamic tenets, proselytization, fashions, economic and social relationship, and penal law. Even if they seem to hope for free and modern lifestyles, they accommodate sharia by adaptation and compromise. New creativities emerge among the young people as a response to the sharia restrictions. However, some of them also maintain their resistance in silence, disguised and unseen. They avoid dramatic resistance in the form of protests and demonstrations. During the process, they create counter space as a safe and comfortable zone for them to maintain their expressions and creativities. The face of Islam shown by the Aceh young people reflects the synthesis between rigid and orthodox sharia with the value of modernity. Therefore, they can still express their modern lifestyle within the sharia limitations. Their expressions have also contributed to the moderatization of sharia in Aceh.